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B. The Fundamentalist Surge and the History of Ahmadi Persecution
The building of a secular and inclusive state in Pakistan proved difficult in the face of rising religious fundamentalism. For Pakistan outwardly to manifest its solidarity with the international community with respect to freedom of religion was easier than for its ulama or religious leadership, consisting of the class of orthodox Muslim clerics, to agree with this vision of freedom. Religious fundamentalists recognized that the persecution of Hindus was too obvious a breach of Pakistan's constitutional rights protections to escape censure from the international community. A more subtle form of persecution under law, however, would attract less attention; thus Pakistani fundamentalists used the platform of the excommunication of Ahmadis, members of a fake Muslim community, as a pretext to maintain their hegemony. *22 They used Pakistan's constitution as their political weapon of choice.
In March 1949, the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan introduced the so-called Objectives Resolution, which relied heavily on the UDHR, pledging that Pakistan's first constitution would make adequate provision for non-Muslims to enjoy full religious freedom. *23 Soon after the Objectives Resolution was passed into law by Pakistan's General Assembly, the Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam (Ahrar), a Muslim separatist movement, began to engage in anti-Ahmadi agitation. On May 1, 1949, Ahrar activists made their first public demand that Ahmadis be declared a non-Muslim minority. The Ahrar insisted that Khan be removed from his position in the cabinet, along with all other Ahmadis in public service. They also accused members of the Ahmadiyya Community of conspiring with India (and particularly remnants of the British regime) against Pakistan's Sunni population. The Ahrar opposition movement climaxed during the peak of the Punjab disturbances. The Ahrar, knowing the disturbances would carry to Karachi, pressured Governor-General Khwaja Nazimuddin to remove Khan from office on the pretext that this would protect Karachi from the ensuing violence of the unrest in Punjab. In the midst of this tense situation, Khan delivered a speech before the Anjuman Ahmadiyya at Jahanghir Park, Karachi on May 18, 1952. Immediately after his speech Khan resigned from the powerful Basic Principles Committee (BPC), a governmental agency that ensured the application of Islamic principles in everyday governmental practice. *24
Increasingly, Muslim fundamentalist groups turned away from their position that the very creation of Pakistan was per se un-Islamic, and began to pressure government officials to transform the country into an Islamic theocracy. The leader of this new struggle was Maulana Maududi, head of Jama'at-i-Islami (Party of Islam), an Islamic revivalist fundamentalist movement. Maududi sought to unify Pakistani Muslims under the common cause of excommunicating Ahmadis from Pakistan. *25 The ruling Muslim League Party opposed both the idea of creating a theocracy in Pakistan and the theo-democratic activities of Jama'at-i-Islami. The government's ensuing crackdown on the Jama'at-i-Islami resulted in violent demonstrations by Maududi's movement against Ahmadis in 1953. The Pakistani government condemned these anti-Ahmadi demonstrations as a threat to public order. Thus, at least until 1953, because it disagreed with the Jama'at-i-Islami on the creation of a theocratic state, and because of the close association of the Jama'at-i-Islami to the anti-Ahmadi movement, the government treated anti-Ahmadi speeches as attacks on its policies. *26
By 1954, it became clear that the government was giving ground to the fundamentalists. The Pakistani ulama used Ahrar propaganda as a basis to launch a unified campaign against Ahmadis. *27 For the next two decades, Ahmadis would face severe attacks on their properties and businesses; the ulama treated Ahmadis not only as non-Muslims, but also as threats to Islam. The Islamization of Pakistan's constitution received its first major push in 1962 when the ulama and the Advisory Council for Islamic Ideology added a repugnancy clause to the constitution: No law shall be repugnant to the teachings and requirements of Islam as set out in the Qur'an and Sunnah [actions of the Holy Prophet], and all existing laws shall be brought into conformity therewith. *28 The shift towards the strict constitutional implementation of the Shari'a was partly a result of the 1958 military coup, which indirectly stifled secularist movements within Pakistan.
Pakistan's reformation of its constitution under the strictures of the Shari'a has resulted in a steady deterioration of the rights protections found therein. *29 Nowhere was this more evident than in the 1974 amendment to the constitution. After a bloody civil war and the separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971, the National Assembly approved a new constitution in 1973, portions of which embodied the legal and political machinery of the Shari'a as espoused by the orthodox religious clergy. The ulama indoctrinated Pakistan's masses, arguing that there was an inherent danger in affording too much political autonomy to religious minorities whose very existence undermined Islamic ideology. *30 In 1974, a new wave of anti-Ahmadi disturbances spread across Pakistan. Having made significant gains in their 20-year political struggle for an Islamic theocracy, members of the ulama saw the disturbances as their opportunity to pressure Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to declare Ahmadis as non-Muslims. Under Bhutto's leadership, Pakistan's parliament introduced Articles 260(3)(a) and (b), which defined the term Muslim in the Pakistani context and listed groups that were, legally speaking, non-Muslim. *31 The goal of this constitutional amendment was to bring some of Pakistan's remaining progressive constitutional provisions under the purview of the Shari'a. Put into effect on September 6, 1974, the amendment explicitly deprived Ahmadis of their identity as Muslims. *32
In early 1978, General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, now safely installed as president after a coup overthrowing Bhutto, pushed through parliament a series of laws that created a separate electorate system for non-Muslims, including Ahmadis. *33 In 1980, under President Zia-ul-Haq's leadership, the Federal Shariat Court was created and given jurisdiction to examine any existing law to ensure it was not repugnant to Islam. *34
In 1984, Pakistan's constitution was amended yet again. Seeking to solidify the place of the Shari'a within the legal order, President Zia-ul-Haq issued a presidential order to parliament asking that the constitution be amended in such a way that the original Objectives Resolution of 1949 would take on a new substantive force. Thus, the key provision of that Resolution, which stated that Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teachings and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah, *35 became embedded in the text of the constitution. A further amendment proposed, but never passed, later that same year would have strengthened this provision by adding the following: The injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah shall be the supreme law and source of guidance for legislation to be administered through laws enacted by the parliament and provincial assemblies, and for policy making by the government. *36 The essential purpose and effect of the two amendments was to establish the supremacy of the Shari'a over the constitution itself. That is to say, questions of constitutional interpretation could only be answered in line with the Shari'a.
As a result of these amendments, the Federal Shariat Court, with wide discretionary power accorded it, became the state's legal instrument to legitimize subsequent criminal ordinances passed by parliament. These ordinances included five that explicitly targeted religious minorities: a law against blasphemy; a law punishing the defiling of the Qur'an; a prohibition against insulting the wives, family, or companions of the Prophet of Islam; and two laws specifically restricting the activities of Ahmadis. *37 On April 26, 1984, Zia-ul-Haq issued these last two laws as part of Martial Law Ordinance XX, which amended Pakistan's Penal Code and Press Publication Ordinance Sections 298-B and 298-C. Ordinance XX undercut the activities of religious minorities generally, but struck Ahmadis in particular. For fear of being charged with indirectly or directly posing as a Muslim, Ahmadis could no longer profess their faith, either verbally or in writing. Pakistani police destroyed Ahmadi translations of the Qur'an and banned Ahmadi publications, the use of any Islamic terminology on Ahmadi wedding invitations, the offering of Ahmadi funeral prayers, and the displaying of the Kalima (the principal creed of a Muslim) on Ahmadi gravestones. In addition, Ordinance XX prohibited Ahmadis from declaring their faith publicly, propagating their faith, building mosques, or making the call for Muslim prayers. In short, virtually any public act of worship or devotion by an Ahmadi could be treated as a criminal offense. *38
In Mujibur Rahman v. Government of Pakistan, the Federal Shariat Court was asked to exercise its jurisdiction under Article 203D of the constitution to rule whether or not Ordinance XX was contrary to the injunctions of the Qur'an and Sunnah. The court upheld the validity of Ordinance XX and ruled that parliament had acted within its authority to declare Ahmadis as non-Muslims. Ordinance XX, the court maintained, merely prohibited Ahmadis from calling themselves what they [were] not, namely Muslims. *39
With the passage of the Criminal Law Act of 1986, parliament advanced Ordinance XX's severe restrictions. The Blasphemy Law, as the Act came to be referred to, amended Section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code by raising the penalty against blasphemy from fine or imprisonment to death. *40 Because the Ahmadi belief in the prophethood of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was considered blasphemous insofar as it defiled the name of Prophet Muhammad, *41 Zia-ul-Haq and the Pakistani government institutionalized the persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan with Section 295-C. The mere existence of practicing Ahmadi Muslims could be considered blasphemous and punishable by death.
On July 3, 1993, the Supreme Court of Pakistan dismissed eight appeals brought by Ahmadis who were arrested under Ordinance XX and Section 295-C. The collective complaint in the case, Zaheerudin v. State, *42 was that the 1984 Ordinance violated the constitutional rights of religious minorities. The court dismissed the complaint on two main grounds. First, the court held that Ahmadi religious practice, however peaceful, angered and offended the Sunni majority in Pakistan; to maintain law and order, Pakistan would, therefore, need to control Ahmadi religious practice. Second, Ahmadis, as non-Muslims, could not use Islamic epithets in public without violating company and trademark laws. Pakistan, the court reasoned, had the right to protect the sanctity of religious terms under these laws and the right to prevent their usage by non-Muslims. The court also pointed to the sacredness of religious terms under the Shari'a. By directly comparing the Ahmadis to the controversial author Salman Rushdie as a way of underscoring the risk to public safety, this decision ironically endorsed violence against the Ahmadiyya Community. *43 The ruling further entrenched the anti-Ahmadi ordinances by giving the government power to freely punish Ahmadi religious practice as apostasy. *44
In the wake of the Zaheerudin decision, the number of religious minorities arrested and charged with blasphemy increased dramatically. *45 Provincial-level ordinances restricting the democratic activity of Ahmadis proliferated. In 1999, for example, the Punjab Provincial Assembly, with the backing of the Federal Shariat Court, unilaterally decided to change the name of the Ahmadi-founded and 98% Ahmadi-populated village of Rabwah (an Arabic word meaning higher ground used reverentially in the Qur'an) to Chenab Nagar (an Urdu phrase used pejoratively in Pakistan meaning Chenab river village) and infiltrated its housing projects with non-Ahmadi settlements in an effort to transform permanently the composition of the village itself. *46
Since October 1999, the emergence of President Musharraf has brought about substantial changes in Pakistan's internal political structure, but little in its legal structure. Although President Musharraf combated the corruption of past leaders, particularly that of former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, increased the number of seats in parliament for minority candidates, *47 called for the holding of general elections free from past campaign finance corruption, *48 and facilitated an immediate and active partnership with the United States in the war against terrorism, he failed to take action against the legal persecution of religious minorities. In fact, Musharraf and other government officials refuse even to discuss repeal of the anti-blasphemy provisions; the perceived tenets of the Shari'a render the matter moot. *49 With the recent parliamentary gains by fundamentalist groups in Pakistan, the prospect of reform appears even more unlikely.