Mirza Tahir Ahmad ra, 4th Caliph of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community.Description:
Any divide between revelation and rationality, religion and logic has to be irrational. If religion and rationality cannot proceed hand in hand, there has to be something deeply wrong with either of the two. Does revelation play any vital role in human affairs? Is not rationality sufficient to guide man in all the problems which confront him? Numerous questions such as these are examined with minute attention.
No. of Pages: 756 (read it online
By Muhammad Zafrulla Khan
This concisely written text presents the teachings of Islam and their distinct superiority over various Articles that make up the Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations and universally acclaimed as the greater charter of freedom. The author explains how 1400 years ago, Islam emancipated the poor and oppressed and gave the world the basic prescription for the respect and value of all human beings irrespective of class, colour or creed. Those instructions contained in the Holy Qur'an remain as relevant today as they were at the time that it was revealed. However, with the passage of time, some parts of Muslim society neglected Qur'anic teachings with an inevitable decline in moral standards. The author however concludes on an optimistic note that the revival of Islam is happening and with it a close adherence to the values laid out in the Holy Qur'an
Report of The Court of Inquiry
ALL MUSLIM PARTIES CONVENTION, LAHORE
Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan's speech in Karachi accelerated the pace of events, and the Ahrar clutched at a long-awaited opportunity which they exploited to the utmost. In the issue of the ‘Zamindar’ of 3rd July, an advertisement appeared that a contention of all religious jama’ats, which would be attended by ulama, khatibs, pirs, sajjada-nashins and leaders and workers of different political parties, would be held in the Barkat Ali Muhammadan Hall on 13th July, to chalk out a preliminary programme of action for the protection of the doctrine of khatm-i-nubuwwat. An invitation for the meeting, Ex. D. E. 138, was issued by Ghulam Ghaus Hazarvi over the signatures of :—
(1) Maulana Ghulam Muhammad Tarannum, Sadr, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, Punjab, Lahore ;
(2) Maulana Mufti Muhammad Ha-san, Sadr, Jami’at-ul Ulama-i-Islam, Punjab, Lahore ;
(3) Maulana Ahmad Ali, Amir Anjuman-i-Khuddam-ud-Din, Lahore ;
(4) Maulvi Muhammad Ali Jullundri, Nazim-i-A’la, Majlis-i-Ahrar, Punjab Multan ;
(5) Maulana Sayyad Muhammad Daud Ghaznavi, Sadr, Jami’at-i-Ahl-i-Hadith, Punjab, Lahore ;
(6) Maulana Sayyad Nur-ul-Hasan Bukhari, Nazim-i-A’la, Tanzeem-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat-wal-Jama’at, Pakistan; Lahore, and
(7) Sayyad Muzaffar Ali Shamsi, Editor, Akhbar Shahid and former General Secretary, Idara-i-Tahaffuz-i-Haquq-i-Shia, Pakistan, Lahore.
Though only one of the signatories to this invitation, namely, Maulvi Muhammad Ali Jullundri, described himself as Nazim-i-A’la, Majlis-i-Ahrar, it is clear from the evidence of Maulana Akhtar Ali Khan that the da’ee committee which decided to issue the invitation, had a preponderant majority of the Ahrar, and Ghulam Ghaus Hazarvi who issued the invitation, appears to be the same person who was an active member of the Ahrar party and had been previously warned for his activities by the Governor of the Punjab. Neither the Ahrar nor the Majlis-i-Amal in their written statements have given details of the manner in which the da’ee committee was formed or who decided the names of the invitees to this convention ; but it appears from the pamphlet ‘The Majlis-i-Ahrar, Pakistan’ compiled by Mr. Anwar Ali, D. I. G., C. I. D., on information derived from C. I. D. records, that invitations were issued to some sixty religious divines and that the convention was attended, among others, by Maulana Ehtisham-ul-Haq Thanvi, Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni and Sayyad Suleman Nadvi from Karachi.
During the days that the convention was held, there was in force in Lahore an order under section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, prohibiting public meetings but in the decisions taken by the conference of District Magistrates, presided over by the Chief Secretary, on 5th July, it was decided to let the Convention take place and not to interfere with its proceeding. At this Convention the three demands, namely, that the Ahmadis be declared to be a minority, that Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan be removed from tae office of Foreign Minister and that the Ahmadis be removed from key posts in the State, were adopted and a Council of Action (Majlis-i-Amal) was formed of the following to decide upon the future programme of action :—
(1) Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad of Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan—President ;
(2) Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi of Jama’at-i-Islami—Vice President;
(3) Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari of Majlis-i-Ahrar ;
(4) Sheikh Husam-ud-Din of Majlis-i-Ahrar ;
(5) Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi of Jami-‘at-ul Ulama-i-Islam ;
(6) Maulana Muhammad Tufail of Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam ;
(7) Maulana Muhammad Bakhsh Muslim of Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan;
(8) Maulana Ghulam Muhammad Tarannum of Hizbul Ahnaf ;
(9) Maulana Ghulam Din of Hizbul Ahnaf ;
(10) Maulana Daud Ghaznavi of Jami’at-i-Ahl-i-Hadith ;
(11) Maulana Ata Ullah Haneef of Jami’at-i-Ahl-i-Hadith ;
(12) Maulana Nasrullah Khan Aziz of Jama’at-i-Islami ;
(13) Hafiz Kifayat Husain of Idara-i-Tahaffuz-i-Haquq-i-Shia ;
(14) Muzaffar Ali Shamsi of Idara-i-Tahaffuz-i-Haquq-i-Shia ;
(15) Maulvi Noor-ul-Hasan Bukhari of Tanzeem-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat-wal-Jama’at ;
(16) Sahibzada Faiz-ul-Hasan of Anjuman Sajjada Nashinan-i-Panjab ;
(17) Maulana Abdul Ghafar Hazarvi of Anjuman Sajjada Nashinan-i-Punjab ;
(18) Allama Ala-ud-Din Siddiqi,—nominated ;
(19) Maulana Akhtar Ali Khan,—nominated ; and
(20) Maulana Murtaza Ahmad Khan Maikash—nominated.
The administrative position was considered by the authorities after the date of the Convention was announced but before it was actually held. Mr. Qurban Ali Khan in his note dated l4th July 1952, correctly read the motives of the Ahrar when he said :—
“That Ahrar are assisted by some one is accepted in all quarters. The Ahrar by themselves are not strong enough to have raised this demand but someone from amongst them or those who are behind them are clever enough to have foreseen that none of the so-called religious jama’ats would be foolish enough to lag behind on an issue over which every Musalman has the strongest feeling against the Ahmadis. That every single Muslim will rise on this issue cannot be denied. The cult of violence with which the Ahrar started the agitation and which compelled Government to step in, they know, is not being endorsed by the sensible section of the public. The Ahrar have realised this and I feel that they will not now advocate any step which is likely to pitch them against the law but they will do everything in their power to convert the rest of the jama’ats with them in their two most difficult demands against the Ahmadis. Their foremost endeavour would now be to face the Muslim League and its Government with this problem and to seek a policy from them. That a Government, no matter of which party, cannot possibly accept these recommendations is realised by most of the people. It will nevertheless be the strongest issue since the formation of Pakistan, on which the League will be challenged with the hope that if Government in power should give a verdict rejecting these demands the majority of Musalmans will go against them. There is not the slightest doubt of this happening if in the meantime Government does not devise ways and means to counteract the mischief which will now start in right earnest. What ways and means Government can find or employ it would be possible for them only to examine. No time should be lost. It is now a race and Government must be on its toes and let no grass grow under its feet.”
The Home Secretary thought that the Ahrar had succeeded to a very large extent in exploiting the sentiments of the people to avoid being isolated and thus finished for all times, but he felt that Government had succeeded in curbing them and that that was why they were making desperate efforts for seeking extraneous protection. He suggested that before any decisions were taken the Chief Minister should convene a meeting of I. G. P., D. I. G., C. I. D., and the Home Secretary, the Chief Secretary being away to Karachi on leave. Accordingly the subject was discussed at a meeting held on 16th July 1952 but there is no record of the decisions taken.
After the Convention was over, the speeches made on that occasion were examined with a view to considering whether any action against any speaker should be taken or not. Mr. Wali Ullah Khan, S. P. (B.), C. I. D., Punjab, expressed the opinion on 21st July 1952 that five of the speeches were actionable but he remarked that Bahawal Haq Qasimi and Allama Ala-ud-Din Siddiqi who had committed an offence under section 21 (ii) of the Public Safety Act should not be prosecuted because any such step would furnish an opportunity for further mud slinging in Court. Abdul Ghafar Hazarvi, he thought, was not of any substance and, therefore, his speech was to be treated with the contempt that it deserved. About Maulvi Muhammad Ali Jullundri, who had called the Government be-iman, he said, that the remark made by him was a solitary one and could be ignored. In the case of Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi his opinion was that he could be left out with the hope that he would be pulled up on some subsequent occasion. The D. I. G., C. I. D., sent up the case to the Home Secretary drawing his special attention to the speech of Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi and the Home Secretary forwarded it to the Chief Minister who initialled it on 25th July 1952.